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@ -13,8 +13,10 @@ fontsize: 12pt
--- ---
```{r setup, include=FALSE} ```{r setup, include=FALSE}
knitr::opts_chunk$set(echo = FALSE, fig.path='figures/', warning=FALSE, echo=FALSE, message=FALSE) knitr::opts_chunk$set(fig.path='figures/', warning=FALSE, echo=FALSE, message=FALSE)
{r load_packages, include=FALSE} ```
```{r load_packages, include=FALSE}
require(sp) require(sp)
require(rgdal) require(rgdal)
require(GISTools) require(GISTools)
@ -32,10 +34,9 @@ require(scales)
Until recently, environmentalism has been treated by governments and environmental charities as a largely secular concern. In spite of the well-developed tradition of "eco-theology" which began in earnest in the UK in the mid-twentieth century (and which has many precursors in previous centuries), third-sector groups and governments, particularly in Britain and Europe, have largely ignored religious groups as they have gone about their business crafting agendas for behaviour change, developing funding programmes, and developing platforms to mitigate ecological harm, motivate consumers and create regulation regimes. That this has changed is evidenced by the fact that several prominent non-religious environmental groups have commissioned studies and crafted outreach programmes to persons with a particular faith tradition or to "spiritual communities" including RSPB (2013) and the Sierra Club USA (2008).[^158261118] Further, since 2008, the Scottish Government has provided a significant portion of funding for the ecumenical charity, Eco-Congregation Scotland, which works to promote literacy on environmental issues in religious communities in Scotland and helps to certify congregations under their award programme. What is not well known, however, even by these religious environmental groups themselves, is whether or how their membership might be different from other environmental groups. This study represents an attempt to illuminate this new interest with some more concrete data about religious groups in Scotland and how they may differ from non-religious counterparts. Until recently, environmentalism has been treated by governments and environmental charities as a largely secular concern. In spite of the well-developed tradition of "eco-theology" which began in earnest in the UK in the mid-twentieth century (and which has many precursors in previous centuries), third-sector groups and governments, particularly in Britain and Europe, have largely ignored religious groups as they have gone about their business crafting agendas for behaviour change, developing funding programmes, and developing platforms to mitigate ecological harm, motivate consumers and create regulation regimes. That this has changed is evidenced by the fact that several prominent non-religious environmental groups have commissioned studies and crafted outreach programmes to persons with a particular faith tradition or to "spiritual communities" including RSPB (2013) and the Sierra Club USA (2008).[^158261118] Further, since 2008, the Scottish Government has provided a significant portion of funding for the ecumenical charity, Eco-Congregation Scotland, which works to promote literacy on environmental issues in religious communities in Scotland and helps to certify congregations under their award programme. What is not well known, however, even by these religious environmental groups themselves, is whether or how their membership might be different from other environmental groups. This study represents an attempt to illuminate this new interest with some more concrete data about religious groups in Scotland and how they may differ from non-religious counterparts.
# 2. Eco-Congregation Scotland: The Basics # Eco-Congregation Scotland: The Basics
``` ```{r load_ecs_data}
{r load_ecs_data}
# read in Eco-Congregation Scotland data and------------------- # read in Eco-Congregation Scotland data and-------------------
# ...turn it into a SpatialPointsDataFrame--------------------- # ...turn it into a SpatialPointsDataFrame---------------------
# placeholder for ECS data locally when internet isn't present: # placeholder for ECS data locally when internet isn't present:
@ -72,7 +73,7 @@ For the sake of this analysis, we took each Eco-Congregation Scotland site to re
For the sake of comparison, we also measured the geographical footprint of two other forms of community group in Scotland, (1) Transition Towns (taking into account their recent merge with Scotland Communities Climate Action Network) and (2) Scottish Community Development Trusts ("SCDT"). These two groups provide a helpful basis for comparison as they are not centralised and thus have a significant geographical dispersion across Scotland. They also provide a useful comparison as transition is a (mostly) non-religious environmental movement, and community development trusts are not explicitly linked to environmental conservation (though this is often part of their remit), so we have a non-religious point of comparison in Transition and a non-environmental point of comparison with SCDT. For the sake of comparison, we also measured the geographical footprint of two other forms of community group in Scotland, (1) Transition Towns (taking into account their recent merge with Scotland Communities Climate Action Network) and (2) Scottish Community Development Trusts ("SCDT"). These two groups provide a helpful basis for comparison as they are not centralised and thus have a significant geographical dispersion across Scotland. They also provide a useful comparison as transition is a (mostly) non-religious environmental movement, and community development trusts are not explicitly linked to environmental conservation (though this is often part of their remit), so we have a non-religious point of comparison in Transition and a non-environmental point of comparison with SCDT.
# Technical Background # # Technical Background
Analysis was conducted using QGIS 2.8 and R Studio 0.99.893, and data-sets were generated in CSV format.[^15541313] To begin with, I assembled a data set consisting of x and y coordinates for each congregation in Scotland and collated this against a variety of other specific data. Coordinates were checked by matching UK postcodes of individual congregations against geo-referencing data in the Office for National Statistics May 2014 postcode database. In certain instances a single "congregation" is actually a series of sites which have joined together under one administrative unit. In these cases, each site was treated as a separate data point if worship was held at that site at least once a month, but all joined sites shared a single unique identifier. As noted above, two other datasets were generated for the sake of comparative analysis.[^177171536] These included one similar Environmental Non-Governmental Organisation (ENGO) in Scotland (1) Transition Scotland (which includes Scotland Communities Climate Action Network);[^15541342] and another community-based NGO, Scottish Community Development Trusts.[^158261232] As this report will detail, these three overlap in certain instances both literally and in terms of their aims, but each also has a separate identity and footprint in Scotland. Finally, in order to normalise data, we utilised the PointX POI dataset which maintains a complete database of Places of Worship in Scotland.[^15541614] Analysis was conducted using QGIS 2.8 and R Studio 0.99.893, and data-sets were generated in CSV format.[^15541313] To begin with, I assembled a data set consisting of x and y coordinates for each congregation in Scotland and collated this against a variety of other specific data. Coordinates were checked by matching UK postcodes of individual congregations against geo-referencing data in the Office for National Statistics May 2014 postcode database. In certain instances a single "congregation" is actually a series of sites which have joined together under one administrative unit. In these cases, each site was treated as a separate data point if worship was held at that site at least once a month, but all joined sites shared a single unique identifier. As noted above, two other datasets were generated for the sake of comparative analysis.[^177171536] These included one similar Environmental Non-Governmental Organisation (ENGO) in Scotland (1) Transition Scotland (which includes Scotland Communities Climate Action Network);[^15541342] and another community-based NGO, Scottish Community Development Trusts.[^158261232] As this report will detail, these three overlap in certain instances both literally and in terms of their aims, but each also has a separate identity and footprint in Scotland. Finally, in order to normalise data, we utilised the PointX POI dataset which maintains a complete database of Places of Worship in Scotland.[^15541614]
@ -80,8 +81,7 @@ Analysis was conducted using QGIS 2.8 and R Studio 0.99.893, and data-sets were
Eco-Congregation Scotland began a year before the official launch of Eco-Congregation England and Wales, in 1999, as part of an effort by Kippen Environment Centre (later renamed to Forth Environment Link, or "FEL") a charity devoted to environmental education in central Scotland[^158261210] to broaden the scope of its environmental outreach to churches in central Scotland.[^15826124] Initial funding was provided, through Kippen Environment Centre by way of a "sustainable action grant" (with funds drawn from a government landfill tax) through a government programme called Keep Scotland Beautiful (the Scottish cousin of Keep Britain Tidy). After this initial pilot project concluded, the Church of Scotland provided additional funding for the project in the form of staff time and office space. Additional funding a few years later from the Scottish Government helped subsidise the position of a business manager, and in 2011 the United Reformed Church contributed additional funding which subsidised the position of a full-time environmental chaplain for a 5-year term, bringing the total staff to five. Eco-Congregation Scotland began a year before the official launch of Eco-Congregation England and Wales, in 1999, as part of an effort by Kippen Environment Centre (later renamed to Forth Environment Link, or "FEL") a charity devoted to environmental education in central Scotland[^158261210] to broaden the scope of its environmental outreach to churches in central Scotland.[^15826124] Initial funding was provided, through Kippen Environment Centre by way of a "sustainable action grant" (with funds drawn from a government landfill tax) through a government programme called Keep Scotland Beautiful (the Scottish cousin of Keep Britain Tidy). After this initial pilot project concluded, the Church of Scotland provided additional funding for the project in the form of staff time and office space. Additional funding a few years later from the Scottish Government helped subsidise the position of a business manager, and in 2011 the United Reformed Church contributed additional funding which subsidised the position of a full-time environmental chaplain for a 5-year term, bringing the total staff to five.
``` ```{r calculate_ecs_by_year}
{r calculate_ecs_by_year}
ecs_complete_cases <- ecs[complete.cases(ecs$year_begun),] ecs_complete_cases <- ecs[complete.cases(ecs$year_begun),]
# Read in longer csv with award dates # Read in longer csv with award dates
ecs_full <- read.csv("data/ECS-GIS-Locations_2.9_tidy.csv") ecs_full <- read.csv("data/ECS-GIS-Locations_2.9_tidy.csv")
@ -97,8 +97,7 @@ The programme launched officially in 2001 at Dunblane Cathedral in Stirling and
In the case of Eco-Congregation Scotland, congregations are invited to begin by "registering" their interest in the programme by completing a basic one-sided form. The next step requires the completion of an award application, which includes a facilitated curriculum called a "church check-up" and after an application is submitted, the site is visited and assessed by third-party volunteer assessors. Sites are invited to complete additional applications for further awards which are incremental (as is the application process). Transition communities, at least in the period reflected on their map, go through a similar process (though this does not involve the use of a supplied curriculum) by which they are marked first as "interested," become "active" and then gain "official" status.[^1554162] In the case of Eco-Congregation Scotland, congregations are invited to begin by "registering" their interest in the programme by completing a basic one-sided form. The next step requires the completion of an award application, which includes a facilitated curriculum called a "church check-up" and after an application is submitted, the site is visited and assessed by third-party volunteer assessors. Sites are invited to complete additional applications for further awards which are incremental (as is the application process). Transition communities, at least in the period reflected on their map, go through a similar process (though this does not involve the use of a supplied curriculum) by which they are marked first as "interested," become "active" and then gain "official" status.[^1554162]
# Representation by Regional Authorities (Council Areas) # Representation by Regional Authorities (Council Areas)
``` ```{r import_admin_data}
{r import_admin_data}
# read in polygon for Scottish admin boundaries # read in polygon for Scottish admin boundaries
setwd("~/Dropbox/Writing/Articles and Chapters/Mapping Environmental Action") setwd("~/Dropbox/Writing/Articles and Chapters/Mapping Environmental Action")
### Need to change to Scottish data---- ### Need to change to Scottish data----
@ -112,9 +111,9 @@ unzip("data/Scotland_parlcon_2011.zip", exdir = "data")
admin_lev2 <- readOGR("./data", "scotland_parlcon_2011") admin_lev2 <- readOGR("./data", "scotland_parlcon_2011")
download.file("https://census.edina.ac.uk/ukborders/easy_download/prebuilt/shape/infuse_ward_lyr_2011.zip", destfile = "data/infuse_ward_lyr_2011.zip") download.file("https://census.edina.ac.uk/ukborders/easy_download/prebuilt/shape/infuse_ward_lyr_2011.zip", destfile = "data/infuse_ward_lyr_2011.zip")
unzip("data/Scotland_parlcon_2011.zip", exdir = "data") unzip("data/infuse_ward_lyr_2011.zip", exdir = "data")
admin_lev3 <- readOGR("./data", "infuse_ward_lyr_2011") admin_lev3 <- readOGR("./data", "infuse_ward_lyr_2011")
# note - need to add code here to filter on geo_code or "label" begins with "S" # TODO note - need to add code here to filter on geo_code or "label" begins with "S"
# read in Transition Towns data and turn it into a SpatialPointsDataFrame # read in Transition Towns data and turn it into a SpatialPointsDataFrame
transition <- read.csv(text=getURL("https://zenodo.org/record/165519/files/SCCAN_1.4.csv")) transition <- read.csv(text=getURL("https://zenodo.org/record/165519/files/SCCAN_1.4.csv"))
@ -210,8 +209,7 @@ Perhaps the first important question to ask of these groups is, where are they?
(*JK note: need to implement*) Though there are too few eco-congregations and transition groups for a numerically significant representation in any of the intermediate geographies, mapping the concentration of sites by agricultural parishes allows for a more granular visual and I include this for comparison sake. Note, for the sake of a more accurate visual communication, we have also marked out areas of Scotland that are uninhabited with hash marks on the map of agricultural parishes. (*JK note: this will be done in the final draft, once I get my image masking fixed!*).[^15571030] (*JK note: need to implement*) Though there are too few eco-congregations and transition groups for a numerically significant representation in any of the intermediate geographies, mapping the concentration of sites by agricultural parishes allows for a more granular visual and I include this for comparison sake. Note, for the sake of a more accurate visual communication, we have also marked out areas of Scotland that are uninhabited with hash marks on the map of agricultural parishes. (*JK note: this will be done in the final draft, once I get my image masking fixed!*).[^15571030]
``` ```{r create_admin_ecs_choropleth}
{r create_admin_ecs_choropleth}
pdf(file="figures/admin_choropleth_ecs.pdf", width=4, height=4) pdf(file="figures/admin_choropleth_ecs.pdf", width=4, height=4)
var01 <- admin$ecs_count var01 <- admin$ecs_count
bins <- unique(quantile(var01, seq(0,1,length.out=30))) bins <- unique(quantile(var01, seq(0,1,length.out=30)))
@ -340,8 +338,7 @@ dev.off()
Given the way population and places of worship are unevenly distributed across Scotland it is important to represent data in terms of relative distribution. For this study, we attempted to "normalise" our data in two different ways, (1) as shown by Figure 2 above, by taking population figures from the 2011 census (see data sheet in Appendix A) and (2) by adjusting relative to the number of places of worship in each council region.[^15914204] The latter of these two can yield particularly unexpected results. Thus, of the `length(pow_pointX)` "places of worship" in Scotland, the highest concentration is actually the `as.character(admin$NAME_2[which.max(admin$pow_count)])` region, with `max(admin$pow_count)`, second is `max( admin$pow_count[admin$pow_count!=max(admin$pow_count)] )` (`as.character(admin$NAME_2[which.max( admin$pow_count[admin$pow_count!=max(admin$pow_count)])] )`). Rank of Council Areas by population and number of places of worship is also included in Appendix A. Given the way population and places of worship are unevenly distributed across Scotland it is important to represent data in terms of relative distribution. For this study, we attempted to "normalise" our data in two different ways, (1) as shown by Figure 2 above, by taking population figures from the 2011 census (see data sheet in Appendix A) and (2) by adjusting relative to the number of places of worship in each council region.[^15914204] The latter of these two can yield particularly unexpected results. Thus, of the `length(pow_pointX)` "places of worship" in Scotland, the highest concentration is actually the `as.character(admin$NAME_2[which.max(admin$pow_count)])` region, with `max(admin$pow_count)`, second is `max( admin$pow_count[admin$pow_count!=max(admin$pow_count)] )` (`as.character(admin$NAME_2[which.max( admin$pow_count[admin$pow_count!=max(admin$pow_count)])] )`). Rank of Council Areas by population and number of places of worship is also included in Appendix A.
``` ```{r create_admin_proportions}
{r create_admin_proportions}
# Calculate factors by which ECS representation exceeds rep by population and total pow counts # Calculate factors by which ECS representation exceeds rep by population and total pow counts
admin$ecs_pop_factor <- ((admin$ecs_percent - admin$pop_percent) / admin$pop_percent)*2 admin$ecs_pop_factor <- ((admin$ecs_percent - admin$pop_percent) / admin$pop_percent)*2
admin$ecs_pow_factor <- ((admin$ecs_percent - admin$pow_percent) / admin$pow_percent)*2 admin$ecs_pow_factor <- ((admin$ecs_percent - admin$pow_percent) / admin$pow_percent)*2
@ -356,8 +353,7 @@ Turning to the total of `length(pow_pointX)` "places of worship" in Scotland, we
Whereas our initial measurements indicated a prominent lead for Edinburgh, by normalising our data in this way we can highlight the stronger-than-expected presence of several others that might otherwise escape notice because they lie in a region with significantly lower population or numerically less places of worship. Taking the PointX data on "places of worship" in Scotland, we find a less dramatic picture, but also a slightly different one. The positive outliers include East Renfrewshire (3.4x) Edinburgh (2.9x), Stirling (2.2), West Lothian (1.9x) and Aberdeen (1.5x). Again, negative outliers are far less dramatic, with only Midlothian possessing a ratio of more than 100% negative difference from the number of "places of worship" at 1.5x *fewer*. Whereas our initial measurements indicated a prominent lead for Edinburgh, by normalising our data in this way we can highlight the stronger-than-expected presence of several others that might otherwise escape notice because they lie in a region with significantly lower population or numerically less places of worship. Taking the PointX data on "places of worship" in Scotland, we find a less dramatic picture, but also a slightly different one. The positive outliers include East Renfrewshire (3.4x) Edinburgh (2.9x), Stirling (2.2), West Lothian (1.9x) and Aberdeen (1.5x). Again, negative outliers are far less dramatic, with only Midlothian possessing a ratio of more than 100% negative difference from the number of "places of worship" at 1.5x *fewer*.
``` ```{r create_admin_barplot}
{r create_admin_barplot}
# comvert admin back to dataframe for analysis # comvert admin back to dataframe for analysis
admin.df<-data.frame(admin) admin.df<-data.frame(admin)
# Note to self: still doesn't work! Need to fix this bar plot # Note to self: still doesn't work! Need to fix this bar plot
@ -390,8 +386,7 @@ While Roman Catholic churches make up just over 10% of the church buildings in S
# Eco-Congregations, Urban, Rural and Remote # Eco-Congregations, Urban, Rural and Remote
``` ```{r ur8fold}
{r ur8fold}
# read in relevant polygons for UR8fold scale # read in relevant polygons for UR8fold scale
urbanrural <- readOGR("data", "SG_UrbanRural_2013_2014") urbanrural <- readOGR("data", "SG_UrbanRural_2013_2014")
@ -434,15 +429,16 @@ The key question which this analysis seeks to answer is whether ECS, or the othe
Of all the groups surveyed in this study, Eco-Congregation Scotland is the most heavily concentrated in large urban areas (33.53%), exceeding by almost 50% the rate for all places of worship (22.96% in large urban areas). Transition is a much more modest 20% and development trusts a bit lower at 15%. It is interesting to note that the rate of ECS concentration in these large urban areas matches the level of overall population distribution (34.5%). On the other end of the scale, Eco-Congregation Scotland is the least concentrated in remote rural areas (with 3.93% on level 7 and 5.44% on level 8 on the urban-rural scale), though again, they correlate roughly to the general population distribution (3.2% and 2.9% respectively). Places of worship outpace both the population of Scotland and the footprint of Eco-Congregation Scotland, with 14.98% in very remote rural areas, but this is exceeded by transition at 16.47% and both by Scottish community development trusts at 32.14%. So while Eco-Congregation Scotland correlates roughly with Scottish population distribution across the urban-rural scale, it has a considerably more urban profile than either of the other two groups surveyed. Of all the groups surveyed in this study, Eco-Congregation Scotland is the most heavily concentrated in large urban areas (33.53%), exceeding by almost 50% the rate for all places of worship (22.96% in large urban areas). Transition is a much more modest 20% and development trusts a bit lower at 15%. It is interesting to note that the rate of ECS concentration in these large urban areas matches the level of overall population distribution (34.5%). On the other end of the scale, Eco-Congregation Scotland is the least concentrated in remote rural areas (with 3.93% on level 7 and 5.44% on level 8 on the urban-rural scale), though again, they correlate roughly to the general population distribution (3.2% and 2.9% respectively). Places of worship outpace both the population of Scotland and the footprint of Eco-Congregation Scotland, with 14.98% in very remote rural areas, but this is exceeded by transition at 16.47% and both by Scottish community development trusts at 32.14%. So while Eco-Congregation Scotland correlates roughly with Scottish population distribution across the urban-rural scale, it has a considerably more urban profile than either of the other two groups surveyed.
``` ```{r}
var01 <- admin$ecs_count var01 <- admin$ecs_count
bins <- unique(quantile(var01, seq(0,1,length.out=30))) bins <- unique(quantile(var01, seq(0,1,length.out=30)))
admin$binId01 <- findInterval(var01, bins) admin$binId01 <- findInterval(var01, bins)
colSet01 <- rev(heat.colors(length(bins))) colSet01 <- rev(heat.colors(length(bins)))
plot(admin, col=colSet01[admin$binId01], border="grey", lwd=0.25) plot(admin, col=colSet01[admin$binId01], border="grey", lwd=0.25)
par(mar=c(5,3,2,2)+0.1) par(mar=c(5,3,2,2)+0.1)
```
{r create_urbanrural_ecs_choropleth} ```{r create_urbanrural_ecs_choropleth}
pdf(file="figures/urbanrural_choropleth_ecs.pdf", width=4, height=4) pdf(file="figures/urbanrural_choropleth_ecs.pdf", width=4, height=4)
bins <- unique(quantile(urbanrural$ecs_count, seq(0,1,length.out=30))) bins <- unique(quantile(urbanrural$ecs_count, seq(0,1,length.out=30)))
urbanrural$binId01 <- findInterval(urbanrural$ecs_count, bins) urbanrural$binId01 <- findInterval(urbanrural$ecs_count, bins)
@ -463,8 +459,7 @@ dev.off()
# Wealth, Employment, and Literacy # Wealth, Employment, and Literacy
``` ```{r simd}
{r simd}
# read in relevant polygons, Scottish Index of Multiple deprivation # read in relevant polygons, Scottish Index of Multiple deprivation
simd <- readOGR("data", "simd_04-12_all_data") simd <- readOGR("data", "simd_04-12_all_data")
@ -607,6 +602,7 @@ qplot(data=simd_percents_only_long , geom="bar", fill=(factor(simd_rownames)))
# jitterplot option, from Teutonico 2015, p. 63 # jitterplot option, from Teutonico 2015, p. 63
```
Another crucial point of assessment relates to the relation of Eco-Congregation communities to the Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation. This instrument aggregates a large variety of factors which can lead to deprivation including crime rates, employment levels, access to services (implicating remoteness), and literacy. By assessing ECS, Transition, and SCDT against the deprivation scale, we can assess whether eco-congregations fall within particular demographics and also whether the fully aggregated SIMD measurement provides a useful point of comparison for our purposes. The SIMD essentially divides Scotland into 6407 geographic zones and then ranks them based on their relative deprivation. This data set can be split into any number of groups, but for our purposes we have settled on Quintiles, splitting the SIMD data set at every 1302 entries. We then measured where each transition group, ECS, and SCDT fell within these zones and calculated how they fell into these five quintiles, from more to least deprived. Another crucial point of assessment relates to the relation of Eco-Congregation communities to the Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation. This instrument aggregates a large variety of factors which can lead to deprivation including crime rates, employment levels, access to services (implicating remoteness), and literacy. By assessing ECS, Transition, and SCDT against the deprivation scale, we can assess whether eco-congregations fall within particular demographics and also whether the fully aggregated SIMD measurement provides a useful point of comparison for our purposes. The SIMD essentially divides Scotland into 6407 geographic zones and then ranks them based on their relative deprivation. This data set can be split into any number of groups, but for our purposes we have settled on Quintiles, splitting the SIMD data set at every 1302 entries. We then measured where each transition group, ECS, and SCDT fell within these zones and calculated how they fell into these five quintiles, from more to least deprived.
@ -652,7 +648,7 @@ pander(urbanrural.shortened)
``` ```
# Citations # # Citations
[^15541312]:This research was jointly funded by the AHRC/ESRC under project numnbers AH/K005456/1 and AH/P005063/1. [^15541312]:This research was jointly funded by the AHRC/ESRC under project numnbers AH/K005456/1 and AH/P005063/1.
[^158261118]: This is not to say that there have been no collaborations before 2000, noteworthy in this respect is the WWF who helped to found the Alliance of Religion and Conservation (ARC) in 1985. [^158261118]: This is not to say that there have been no collaborations before 2000, noteworthy in this respect is the WWF who helped to found the Alliance of Religion and Conservation (ARC) in 1985.
[^159141043]: This suggestion should be qualified - RSPB would greatly exceed ECS both in terms of the number of individual subscribers and budget. The RSPB trustee's report for 2013-2014 suggests that their member base was 1,114,938 people across Britain with a net income of £127m - the latter of which exceeds the Church of Scotland. If we adjust this based on the Scottish share of the population of the United Kingdom as of the 2011 census (8.3%) this leaves us with an income of £9.93m. The British charity commission requires charities to self-report the number of volunteers and staff, and from their most recent statistics we learn that RSPB engaged with 17,600 volunteers and employed 2,110 members of staff. Again, adjusted for population, this leaves 1,460 volunteers in Scotland and 176 staff. However, if we measure environmental groups based on the number of sites they maintain, RSPB has only 40 reserves with varying levels of local community engagement. For comparison, as of Sep 14 2015, Friends of the Earth Scotland had only 10 local groups (concentrated mostly in large urban areas). Depending on how one measures "volunteerism," it may be possible that ECS has more engaged volunteers in Scotland as well - if each ECS group had only 4 "volunteers" then this would exceed RSPB. [^159141043]: This suggestion should be qualified - RSPB would greatly exceed ECS both in terms of the number of individual subscribers and budget. The RSPB trustee's report for 2013-2014 suggests that their member base was 1,114,938 people across Britain with a net income of £127m - the latter of which exceeds the Church of Scotland. If we adjust this based on the Scottish share of the population of the United Kingdom as of the 2011 census (8.3%) this leaves us with an income of £9.93m. The British charity commission requires charities to self-report the number of volunteers and staff, and from their most recent statistics we learn that RSPB engaged with 17,600 volunteers and employed 2,110 members of staff. Again, adjusted for population, this leaves 1,460 volunteers in Scotland and 176 staff. However, if we measure environmental groups based on the number of sites they maintain, RSPB has only 40 reserves with varying levels of local community engagement. For comparison, as of Sep 14 2015, Friends of the Earth Scotland had only 10 local groups (concentrated mostly in large urban areas). Depending on how one measures "volunteerism," it may be possible that ECS has more engaged volunteers in Scotland as well - if each ECS group had only 4 "volunteers" then this would exceed RSPB.